Injuries, Arrests and House Raids: The Case of a Bahraini Family

[Bahrain Center for Human Rights logo. Image from bahrainrights.org] [Bahrain Center for Human Rights logo. Image from bahrainrights.org]

Injuries, Arrests and House Raids: The Case of a Bahraini Family

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was originally published by the Bahrain Center for Human Rights on 17 May 2013.]

Injuries, Arrests and House Raids: Case of a Bahraini Family

The Bahrain Center for Human Rights expresses grave concern at the continuing police of the Bahraini authorities in violating the rights of children, and targeting entire families as retribution.

The family of Ashour Hassan Ali from Samaheej have been the victims of repeated targeting by the Bahraini authorities for the past 2 years. Ashour has three sons, namely Younis (twenty-one years old), Sadiq (nineteen years old), Jassim (sixteen years old) and three daughters.

Ashour  Hassan Ali’s home has been raided by security forces more than ten times since the 14th of March 2013 only, during certain months in the past year and a half on a nightly basis, and the family has received more than fifteen summons for their three sons.

Ashour Hassan: “I wish I could die and not live to see this misery where my sons are taken one after the other in front of me and there’s nothing I can do to help them.”

Younis and Sadiq Ashour were both arrested in September 2011 from Samaheej mosque. They were reportedly beaten, blindfolded and taken away. They were charged with arson, and during their imprisonment four more cases were brought against them; and they were interrogated about tire burning in Muharraq, a case of unknown perpetrators. Every time there was a decision for their release they would be taken to the police station to be picked up by their parents, but then parents would be informed that a new case has been brought against them and they will not be released.

Sadiq Ashour:

Arrest:

Sadiq Ashour is currently serving a two-year sentence; a verdict delivered on the 16th of May 2013. He was charged with possession of Molotov cocktails and illegal gathering; two years is the maximum sentence. He was arrested on the 14th of March 2013, barely two weeks after his release, by security forces near Samaheej mosque on his way to prayer and taken to Samaheej police station. There he was reportedly made to stand in the corridor where every passing police would hit him on the head. He was interrogated on the whereabouts of his brother Younis, and reportedly severely beaten with batons and kicking by four riot police and officers. He was also reportedly subjected to sexual assault by touching the genital area. Sadiq informed the official at the public prosecution about the violations he was subjected to, but no investigation has been launched to this date.

Lawyer Zahra Masoud: “The case of Sadiq Ashour is a case in which the only evidence provided was Sadiq’s confessions which were reportedly taken under duress. Sadiq informed both the public prosecution and the court of this; but the public prosecution took no action to this date to investigate his claims despite witnessing the marks on Sadiq’s body. To add to that, the arresting officer refused to show up to testify at court which the defense requested numerous times; and the court took no action against him.”

Sadiq is currently facing 4 other cases, including the one he was arrested for in September 2012; which was a result of the targeting of an infamous officer at Samaheej police station, Yousif Mulla Bukhait. This officer has numerous complaints against him for being involved in committing human rights violations including but not limited to torture and arbitrary arrests.

Injuries:

Sadiq was shot in the left side of his face with a sound grenade in 2012. Due to the militarization of the main hospital Salmaniya, and out of fear of arrest and prevention from medical treatment, his wound was sutured at home without anesthesia.

Younis Ashour:

Arrests:

Younis Ashour is wanted by the authorities and has been in hiding for three months. Civilians in hiding live and sleep in the worst conditions, moving from one location to another to avoid arrest.
Younis was first arrested prior to the February 2011 mass pro-democracy protests, and charged with burning tyres. He was released in Febraury after the start of the protests with the other political prisoners. During the State of National Safety Younis was arrested again by the Samaheej police, who started to systematically target the Ashour brothers in most cases that would arise.

Injuries:

Younis was shot in the left leg with a tear gas canister and suffered injuries to the soft tissue and tendons. Due to inadequate medical care and fear of going to the hospital Younis has problems walking on his left leg. He also has tens of pellets lodged in his right eye, right trunk and right hand due to being shot on different occasions by security forces. He did not have them removed as he was afraid of going to the hospital.

Jassim Ashour:

Jassim Ashour has been summoned several times and interrogated on the whereabouts of his brother Younis; he does not sleep at home continuously in fear of arrest. Due to the continued targeting, Jassim, who is a top student, has not been able to attend school on a regular basis, and this has greatly affected his education. 

The Bahrain Center for Human Rights calls on the United States, the United Kingdom, the United Nations and all other allies and relevant international institutions to put pressure on the Government of Bahrain to:

  1. Immediately stop the targeting and harassment of Ashour Hassan Ali’s family.
  2. Immediately release Sadiq and drop all trumped up charges against him and his brother Younis.
  3. Investigate and hold accountable all those affiliated with the Ministry of Interior, especially officer Yousif Mulla Bukhait, who took part in violations against this family.
  4. Allow the Ashour brothers to finish their education without targeting and harassment.
  5. Allow the Ashour brothers access to medical treatment without fear of retribution, and immediately cease the militarization of hospitals in Bahrain.
  6. Reform the judiciary system so that it is not used as a political tool against Bahraini citizens, but rather an independent and just system according to international standards.
  7. Launch an independent investigation into the participation of the public prosecution in targeting civilians and covering up human rights violations.
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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412